Stephen Costello,
Visiting Professor, Institute of Korean Studies, George Washington University
Professor Stephen Costello (66) is a political analyst. He is currently a visiting professor at the Institute of Korean Studies at George Washington University, a renowned public policy research center. He is also a visiting researcher at the Gyeongui Institute in Uijeongbu, and has been writing a column on Korean Peninsula issues for the English edition of the Hankook Ilbo for 13 years.
I met him on August 21st at the Korea-Japan Undersea Tunnel Discussion Meeting with Professor Stefan Costello, hosted by the Korea-Japan Tunnel Study Group in Haeundae, Busan. After Kim Jeong-in, chairman of the People Power Party's emergency response committee, said in April that he would "actively consider promoting a Korea-Japan undersea tunnel," the "promotion of a Korea-Japan undersea tunnel" sparked a major stir in the Busan mayoral by-election and once again sparked great interest among Busan public opinion. I asked him what he thinks about the prospects for the Korea-Japan undersea tunnel project.
In the mid-1990s, I had frequent contact with members of the Democratic Party of Korea through my connection with the Asia-Pacific Foundation (FDL-AP), which was founded by former President Kim Dae-jung.
The progressive democratic orientation of the Asia Pacific Foundation, which was President Kim Dae-jung's policy advisory body, attracted great interest in Washington political circles at the time, and I visited Korea with great interest and untiring passion for over 30 years.
The number of visits must be over 50. Currently, I am a visiting professor at the Institute of Korean Studies at George Washington University, where I am conducting ongoing research with the Gyeongui Institute on the Korean Peninsula situation and inter-Korean cooperation. I visit South Korea regularly to further this research.
After the inter-Korean summit on June 15, 2000, people began to take an even more active interest in the project, as it was expected that major infrastructure projects would be implemented in the future to connect the South and the North and to link the Korean Peninsula to China and Russia.
Then, I learned about the Korea-Japan Tunnel Project through the media and acquaintances, and I began to think of it as a major international infrastructure facility for realizing peace.
Even if the Japanese and Korean governments do not support the Korea-Japan tunnel project given the current frosty relationship between the two countries, the economic and strategic rationale is overwhelming. Furthermore, tunnel and bridge construction projects in Europe and Asia have brought about many advances and resolved many technical challenges.
Projects eligible for support from the U.S. Infrastructure Expansion Fund
The Korea-Japan Tunnel Project has several very valuable objectives for both Korea and Japan. It is a major project that will allow the two countries to move away from historical disputes and shift their focus to political issues.
And as leaders of both countries imagine the enormous benefits this project represents, they will wonder how it will benefit their countries.
The Korea-Japan Tunnel Project will also demonstrate Korea's engineering and technical expertise, showcasing its modern capabilities and new technological developments.
Perhaps a reduction in tensions in Northeast Asia, which would ultimately affect defense spending and threat assessments, would be a major practical benefit.
As a detente issue, the project would be instrumental in new regional arms control agreements, and adding the Korea-Japan Tunnel as a multi-purpose corridor connecting the East and West Coasts would add even more value by facilitating the movement of cargo and people between Russia, China, South Korea, North Korea, and Japan.
The US is interested in strategic economic cooperation between South Korea and Japan, and will therefore actively support the South Korea-Japan undersea tunnel project. The Biden administration has launched a move to support the Build Back Better Infrastructure Fund for Asia.
Therefore, the Korea-Japan tunnel project can be interpreted as one worthy of U.S. support in terms of resources and funding. Some U.S. officials are concerned that the South Korean government is highly dependent on China and that there will be conflicts of interest on the Korean peninsula.
The Korea-Japan Tunnel project will allay such concerns by demonstrating how the two major democracies in Northeast Asia, South Korea and Japan, can strengthen their ties and bring North Korea closer through economic cooperation.
At the same time, Washington politicians seem to be tired of the year-end “peace in Northeast Asia” debate. They would be open to a more substantial plan that asserts strategic rapprochement and logical justification.
With the Biden administration in power, Democratic politicians will seek to build a more proactive and progressive Korea-US relationship. The US will likely see this as beneficial and will support it more enthusiastically. From this perspective, the Korea-Japan Tunnel project can be seen as a very concrete and logical initiative in a Northeast Asia peace strategy.
Feasibility studies should continue, and public opinion should be generated to pressure the Korean and Japanese governments to go ahead with this project because it is logical.
Furthermore, the Korea-Japan tunnel project can use political means to present even greater strategic advantages and attract as many people as possible who want it.
Inter-Korean relations must be improved quickly. There is no time to waste. The South Korean government must take the lead and develop its own plan for dealing with North Korea issues, including denuclearization.
In the past, President Kim Dae-jung has advocated the idea of "peace first, unification later." Regarding peace in Northeast Asia, since the two Koreas are on different paths and building a relationship is difficult, a peace framework must be established that involves cooperation between North Korea, China, Russia, and the Eastern bloc, as well as the Western bloc, including South Korea, the United States, and Japan.
These strategies would contribute to denuclearization, economic development, and strategic de-escalation, respectively.
By easing sanctions against North Korea, the US and South Korea hope that China and Russia can encourage North Korea to comply with new negotiations (following the Hanoi summit).
Over the past 20 years, North Korea has shown a deep interest in joining the international community. The easing of sanctions and economic cooperation against North Korea are the best means to achieve denuclearization and the integration of North Korea into a prosperous zone between the Korean Peninsula and Japan.
De-escalation is one of the essentials for mutual benefit between North and South Korea. The new agreement not only lowers tensions but also reconsiders military spending.
A significant portion of this spending could be used to develop the economies of both South and North Korea and improve the quality of life for their people. South Korea must play a central role in changing the way the United States deals with the Korean Peninsula.
Therefore, South Korea's strategy toward the United States should be based on denuclearization, development, military cooperation, etc.
Of course. The coronavirus situation has made it clear that no country can remain isolated.
If North Korea does not quickly distribute vaccines, it will not be able to survive in the "black hole" of military buildup and arms race. The coronavirus pandemic has shown that all nations must include coronavirus vaccines in their diplomacy.
There are many students at George Washington University who are interested in the Korean language, and whenever I introduce them to the current situation in Korea and Northeast Asia, I can see their eyes sparkle with interest and passion.
Cooperation between Korea, the United States, and Japan for peace in Northeast Asia is the development of a rational relationship. It begins with a commitment to coexistence on a broader scale, going beyond nationalism that pursues only one's own interests. When asserting yourself, it's good to focus on what the other person is interested in and willing to listen to.
This leads to the development of themes that allow for mutual coexistence, and this is something I emphasize to young people.
I was most impressed by the way Koreans actively participated in COVID-19 prevention efforts and made efforts to contain the virus themselves. I envy the high level of civic awareness that the public has shown in understanding and cooperating with national disease prevention guidelines such as wearing masks and getting vaccinated, even as the number of coronavirus cases surges.
South Korea's long-term investment in public infrastructure is also impressive. Public facilities are clean and modern because the people understand that it is the government's job to make these spaces convenient for everyone. This is a lesson for other countries.
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